Introduction  

Human trafficking is a prevalent issue today. However, its origin dates back to ancient civilizations such as Mesopotomia, Greece, Egypt, and Rome, where slavery was prevalent. In these civilizations, slaves were exploited for various roles such as domestic services, skilled labor, gladiatorial combat, and even agricultural work (“Deep Dive”).  Although slavery is now outlawed all over the world, human trafficking – the trade of humans for exploitative purposes such as sexual slavery, forced labor, or commercial sexual exploitation– has taken its form. Annually, around 28 million people are trafficked for forced labor, and 22 million people are victims of forced marriage (“United Nations”). Out of these victims, 65% are women, and 35% are men (Magesa 1).  Human trafficking does not discriminate by age, as 70% of forced prostitution victims are younger than 18 (Altuwaijri). This pattern of women and girls being more susceptible to trafficking involves a myriad of cultural and gender norms, often targeting women and young girls. The stark contrast between the number of female and male victims begs the question: “In what ways does human trafficking in developing nations disproportionately affect women and children, and how do cultural norms and gender inequality contribute to their victimization?” Essentially, by examining scholars through the social lens, cultural and gender norms can take the place of a human trafficking system itself or lead to the victims running away in search of a new life, where they then become prone to migrant trafficking.

Push Factors

Discrimination toward women and young girls is frequently excused in the name of culture, which either encourages the victims to run away or creates an environment of human trafficking. Rehema John Magesa, a lecturer at Tengeru University in Tanzania, conducted a study in Tanzania where 400 girls aged 10-24 were surveyed using the Likert scale. Through this study, it was revealed that female genital mutilation (82%), male preference (78%), domestic violence (87%), and the heavy workload for women (70%) are all various cultural factors that are prevalent in Tanzania (6). Magesa then explains the following factors, where female genital mutilation is the partial or complete removal of external female genitalia for non-medical purposes. A strong male preference allows “girls [to be] neglected and even sold in the form of sexual trafficking (11). Since daughters are only seen as a temporary part of a family in some countries, domestic violence perpetrated by a male is common. Although this study would be more effective if done globally, these cultural factors often serve as a “push” for women and young girls to leave home. The South Asian Post, a renowned Canadian newspaper company, extends Magesa’s thinking by telling the story of Deepa Majhi: a Nepali woman who lacked opportunity because of her gender and resorted to irregular channels to migrate, where she was held captive by a human trafficking group in Delhi (Heartbreaking 1). It is important to note that Magesa’s study and the South Asian Post articulate that cultural factors “pushed girls and women towards situations in which they could be trafficked” (Magesa 1). Contradicting this, the  U.S. Department of State illustrates how cultural practices –forced marriage–create an environment of human trafficking itself by examining the case of United States of America v. Zahida Aman. Aman orchestrated a forced marriage between her son and the victim in Pakistan, moved her to Virginia, then forcefully isolated her from her family and subjugated her to domestic servitude. The victim was beaten with wooden boards and dragged down the stairs in front of the children (Intersection 3). Ultimately, Magesa and the South Asian Post advocate for how cultural factors force girls to run away, while the case of America v. Zahida Aman depicts forced marriage, a cultural factor, fostering an environment of human trafficking.

Human Trafficking Systems Excused by Religion

In regions like India and Africa, human trafficking systems are often disguised by religion, where girls are given to temples as offerings.  Author of the Harvard Human Rights Journal, Michael S. Talbot, explains the Trokosi system in Ghana. Here, in thirty-nine religious sites, girls “are dedicated to the service of a religious site and its priest, performing domestic work”, with no pay (3). These girls never consented to work in these temples where they were then subjected to sexual assault; instead, they were forced as “atonement for a sin committed by a family member” and kept there till “spiritual debt has been offset by their service, only determined by the priest” (3). Talbot simply claims that since women are seen as inferior in some regions, they are offerings to a temple. However, he fails to go in-depth on how caste systems impact it, which undermines the social impact on the system. Temeshni Deane, author of the Journal of International Women's Studies by Bridgewater State University, extends this view by explaining the Devadasi system in India, where girls as young as five are dedicated to a Hindu goddess but are seen as “sexually available” for landlords or higher caste individuals (2). Although outlawed in India, there are an estimated 450,000 Devadasis, which Deane credits to a rigid caste system, where the Dalits are the lowest tier. Dalits are segregated as they cannot use the same wells, temples, churches, or even drinking cups as the higher castes (Deane 14). Dalit women make up the majority of the Devdasis, as the higher caste uses them as a tool to assert their social dominance, illustrating how both the Trokosi and Devadasi systems are deeply rooted in cultural factors.

Migrant Trafficking

Cultural norms serve as “push factors” and make women and children more susceptible to human trafficking because of migrant trafficking. Dr. Henry Kah, a professor at the University of Beau in Cameroon, explains that “migrants…are either kidnapped or bought and sold in open markets by people eager to irk out a living from human enslavement”(5). Female migrants are usually the main targets evident in their price, which is “?20, more than twice as much as traffickers pay for men” (Kah 9). He then explains human trafficking networks in Libya in two main roles: Samsar and Muharebs. Muharbers claim to help the migrants with their crossing into a country, while the Samsars further the scheme by taking the migrants to a holding location (9). In principle, Kah conveys that with a lack of proper social networks to guide migrants to their asylum, traffickers thrive through the use of illegal routes. Although Kah's perspective on illegal routes for migrants is insightful, a focus on legal systems that have been corrupted could be more effective. Adding on to this view, The Harvard International Review, an esteemed journal, explains the Kafala system, where around 250,000 workers, usually South Asian women, are sponsored by individuals from the home country who oversee their passports and visas. This system is not regulated, so the workers are exploited with no consideration of minimum wage, maximum working hours, vacation, and overtime (Modern 3). The Harvard International Review’s discussion of the Kafala system provides a unique perspective: that even legal systems make the socially vulnerable more susceptible to human trafficking, as an unequal power dynamic between the employer and employee is created, allowing the employer total control. As such, both Kah and the Harvard International Review convey that illegal and legal migrant routes target women.

Conclusion

The similarity in the data highlights that women and girls are susceptible to human trafficking because of push factors involving cultural practices specific to a region, and systems that are normalized because of religion. Addressing the multifaceted issue of human trafficking requires social, economic, political, and psychological perspectives. Current solutions include NGOs like ING– International Needs Ghana– which increases community development by building schools and boreholes and providing other resources like livestock instead of atonement by offering girls to temples (Talbot 29). NGOs may alter negative cultural practices toward women and empower women through education. However, their efforts alone are insufficient as they fail to strengthen the legal framework in nations where migrant trafficking is most prominent. Hence, moving forward, governments, NGOs, and local communities need to collaborate and work together to prevent women and girls from being susceptible to human trafficking.

Siyona Jain is a junior at Hopewell Valley Central High School. Her academic interests include chemistry and the study of social inequalities. Outside of the classroom, she serves as a dance student teacher and aspires to pursue a career in medicine.

Works Cited

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Talbot, M. S. The Challenge of Trokosi: Ritual Servitude and the Framework of International Human Rights Law. Harvard Human Rights Journal, [s. l.], v. 31, p. 1–32, 2018. Disponível em: https://research.ebsco.com/linkprocessor/plink?id=e9b75ef1-db6f-3889-b433-9f6959198b8d. Acesso em: 4 nov. 2024