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 Abstract The article analyses the Baloch ethnic conflict in Pakistan. It states that the Baloch ethnic tension has roots in the pre-partition history of Pakistan. The purpose of the paper is to critically analyze the Baloch ethnic conflict from the historical point of view, to provide the key reasons or factors behind this conflict and how to address this conflict. The article uses qualitative method and secondary source of data collection which includes research articles, books, journals, newspapers and official documents. The research has explained the issue while using the key theories such as instrumentalist theory, Institutionalist theory, constructivist, and primordial theory to adequately explains the Baloch ethnic tension in the context of Pakistan. Findings that have been withdrawn from the research are apathy on the part of the state, the exploitation of the economic resources of the province, and the coercive policies of the state that have further fueled the Baloch ethnic conflict. Introduction Ethnic conflict emerges in societies that are multi-ethnic and multi-linguistic. Heterogeneous societies can face various kinds of ethnic conflict. Pakistan is no exception in this regard and has been facing the issue since its inception. The first instance of ethnic conflict there was in the form of the Bengalese demand for self-determination that led to the dismemberment of the country in 1971. Other ethnic conflicts emerged since then including the Baloch ethnic conflict. Pakistan, despite having a federal structure still faces issues in addressing the Baloch ethnic conflict. The role of Baloch women in their struggle for the rights of the Baloch people is of utmost important in understanding the Baloch issue. There are various theories of the ethnic conflict. The most prominent are institutionalism theory, Primordialist theory, constructivist theory, and Institutionalist theory. Each theory has its own lens to analysis. The theory that fits in this research is the institutionalism theory, arguing there are some institutions that either mitigate or fuel the ethnic conflict. For instance, federal institutions play a significant role in addressing the ethnic conflict. In a state where the federal institutions exist and are effective, they are less likely to encounter ethnic conflict while in countries where the federal institutions exist but are non-functional, they are more prone to the ethnic conflict. This research will examine the role of the federal institutions in addressing the grievances of the Baloch. It will also analyze the role of the Baloch women in their struggle for the rights of the Baloch people. Pakistan has been facing the issue of ethnic conflict since its inception. The Baloch ethnic conflict has its roots in post-partition history of Pakistan. Various proposals and reforms were undertaken to address the Baloch ethnic conflict but they remained ineffective in resolving the grievance of the Baloch. The existing literature on the ethnic conflict in Pakistan have discussed federal structure of Pakistan in relations with resoling the Baloch ethnic conflict, the insurgency in the province, and underdevelopment and economic exploitation of the Baloch but little research has been conducted in the areas like the historical evolution of the Baloch ethnic tension, the recent developments in the conflict and what are the possible and practical solution of the conflict. The article provides an insight and critical analysis of the Baloch ethnic tension from the historical point of view, the key factors that contribute to the Baloch ethnic conflict and the recommendations for the government and the policy makers in addressing the conflict. Moreover, leaders of the Kalat State National Party (KSNP) such as Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo, Mir Gul Khan Naseer and Mir Abdul Aziz Kurd were arrested. Also, by orders of the central government in Karachi, the KSNP was declared an outlawed party throughout Pakistan. Such state of affairs gave rise to the first encounter between the Pakistan Army and Baloch nationalists. Prince Abdul Karim, the younger brother of the Khan of Kalat, declared a revolt against Pakistan. After leading some 700 followers across the border into Afghanistan, Abdul Karim issued a manifesto in the name of the Baloch National Liberation Committee disavowing the unconditional accession agreement signed by the Khan, proclaiming the independence of Kalat, and demanding fresh negotiations with Pakistan. As a result, the first insurgency was started in Balochistan against Pakistan. Literature Review Zeb (2021), Ethno-Political Conflict in Pakistan: The Baloch Movement critically examines the Baloch Ethnic conflict in Pakistan. He provides an historical overview of the Baloch ethnic conflict that how it emerged and explain it in relation with the federal structure of Pakistan. He gives an account of both the Baloch narrative and the narrative of the federal or the central government on the Baloch ethnic conflict. The Baloch narrative is that the central government has always exploited the resources of Balochistan, has provided a little political representation to the Baloch and Balochistan has always been neglected by the central government due to which it has remained backward and underdeveloped. In contrast, the center narrative emphasizes on the tribal structure of the Baloch society and argues that the tribal elites have always remained an important impediment in the way of the development of Balochistan. Zeb argues that both narratives are flawed. He explains that the Baloch society is divided along with tribal lines and the elites have always politicized the Baloch ethnicity for their self-interest. There are some shortcomings in the work of Zeb. He only focusses on the Baloch and Centre narrative in understanding the Baloch ethnic conflict while ignoring the socio-economic factors of the Baloch ethnic conflict which primarily shapes the Baloch ethnic identity. His work also does not delve into the role of the militarization, the enforced disappearances an the extra judicial killing of the Baloch people. Devashar (2019) Pakistan: The Balochistan Conundrum provides a comprehensive analysis of the historical, political, economic as well as social factors in shaping the Baloch ethnic conflict. He gives an historical account of the forces annexation of Kalat state in 1948 that marked the beginning of the Baloch ethnic conflict and which led to a longstanding conflict and mistrust between the Pakistani state and Baloch people. Besides, he highlights the exploitation of the economic resources of the provinces without considering the needs and demands of the Baloch people. He also addresses the grave human rights violation in Balochistan such extra judicial killing and enforced disappearances of the Baloch people. He discusses the geostrategic importance of Balochistan in the context of the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). He explains that how the external and internal factors further fuel the Baloch ethnic conflict. He also provides an analysis of the insurgency in Balochistan and explains that the state has always viewed the issue of Balochistan through security lens which further exacerbate the situation and the conflict in Balochistan. There are some limitations in his work. He provides a biased perspective on the issues of the Baloch. He also does not take into account the views and opinions of the Baloch people concerning the Baloch ethnic conflict. His work lack in depth analysis of the socio-economic factors those are important in shaping the Baloch ethnic identity. Brasher (2020) in his work, Federalism and Ethnic Conflict in Pakistan’ explains the relation between the federal structure and ethnic issue taking the case study of Pakistan. According to him, federalism if poorly designed exacerbate rather mitigate the ethnic tensions in multi-ethnic states. He stresses that despite having a federal set up why Pakistan still struggle to reduce the ethnic tension. He uses a comparative political theory and federalism studies to frame Pakistan’s federals system within a broader global context. He also provides a historical context of the federal system of Pakistan and analyses that how a mono-ethnic group dominated the bureaucracy, the military and the political institutions of Pakistan which has alienated other ethnic groups like Pashtun, Baloch, and Sindhi. However, his work emphasizes much on theoretical framework but not on the ground field work. Kakar (2024) in his work, Territorial Autonomy and Ethnic Conflict: the Baloch Ethnic Question Post-18th Amendment examines the role of 18th amendment in addressing the Baloch ethnic conflict. He argues that the 18th amendment which is considered as the milestone in the constitutional history of Pakistan, was passed to address the issue of territorial autonomy in Pakistan has some limitations and flaws in its design and implementation. Some of the impediments in the way of implementing the 18th amendment include the centralized mindset and the militarization of the region has undermined the territorial autonomy of Balochistan. Although he explained the Baloch ethnic conflict in relations with the 18th amendment but his work does not devolve into the most current issues of Baloch ethnic conflict like the involvement of military, the human rights violation of the Baloch people and the economic disparities in Balochistan which are the main grievances of the Baloch. Besides, he does not discuss the Baloch movement for the protection of their rights and the role of Baloch women in this movement. Katherine (2007), Federalism and Ethnic Conflict Regulation in India and Pakistan has given comparative analysis of the federal structure of Pakistan and India in managing the ethnic tensions. She explains that institutional design is the key factors in understanding the ethnic tensions in India and Pakistan. She argues that both in case of India and Pakistan how federal structures exacerbate or mitigate the ethnic tensions. Adeney work contain some of the limitations like she focusses mainly on the formal institutions and ignored the informal institutions like patronage and the role of the elites in shaping the ethnic conflict. Her work also does not explain the new political dynamics in India and Pakistan after 2000 which have also influenced the ethnic conflict in both countries. She does not touch upon the socio-economic factors in shaping the ethnic tensions in both cases. Amin (1988), ‘Ethno-Nationalist Movements of Pakistan: Domestic and International Factors’ discuss the historical roots of the ethno-nationalist movement in Pakistan. He argues that the ethno-nationalist movement in Pakistan emerged during the colonial era which suppressed the regional identities. He further argues that the centralized system of Pakistan, in imposing a unified identity in the shape of declaring Urdu as only national language and the economic disparities among different provinces have contributed to the sense alienation among the ethnic minorities and the marginalization of these regions especially Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. He has also discussed the role of external powers in fueling ethnic tensions in Pakistan. However, there are some limitations of his work. His work is based on the ethno-nationalist movements of early 70s and 80s in Pakistan and has not discussed the recent ethno-nationalist movements especially in Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Research Questions
Research Methodology The study analyses the Baloch ethnic conflict in Pakistan. It investigates the issue through historical perspective, the key factors involved in the Baloch ethnic conflict, and the policy recommendations to address the Baloch ethnic tension. The study is based on qualitative method and the data that has been collected is through secondary sources such as books, research articles, magazines, research journals and official documents. The research analyses the Baloch ethnic conflict in Pakistan. What is Ethnic Conflict? Ethnic conflict is generally defined as violent conflict between or among groups who differ in terms of culture, religion, physical feature and language. The process of ethnic conflict involves ethnic awakening, ethnic politicization and ethnic violence, and the role played by the ethnic elite in this process and the tolls these ethnic elites employ in this process. (Zeb, 2020) Ethnic conflict is not inevitable but it is human-made phenomenon. Ethnic conflict is not a simple issue and it can be analyzed through multi-level analysis (State, local, global and regional) levels. There are various manifestations of ethnic conflict like genocide, secession, partition and irredentist claims. If ethnic conflict is mismanaged, it can lead serious consequences like civil wars, human rights violations and internal instability. According to Green, prejudice can also play role in fueling ethnic tensions which shape negative attitudes among the group and it can also be manipulated by the elite to incite violence and hostility. Historical factors are not often the cause of ethnic conflict and it is the psychological factors like misperception, in-group bias and elite manipulation that cause ethnic conflict. Tambiah has provided an analysis of the rise of the ethnic conflict in his work, Ethnic Conflict in Today’s World. He explains that it is not only the cultural or linguistic factors that cause ethnic violence but politics also play an important role in understating ethnic tensions. Ethnic conflicts arise when an ethnic group has no access to political opportunities. This can be true in case of Baloch. The state also plays a significant role in ethnic tensions by favoring one group over the other. The states that fail to adopt an inclusive policy towards these ethnic groups led to an internal wars and unrest. According to Brown, Ethnic conflict is driven by multi-dimensional factors that include social, cultural (Historical grievances, narratives of victimhood), political factors (weak political institutions, ethnic politicization), structural factors (fragile institutions and intergroup competition), and economic factors (unequal distribution of resources). Theoretical Framework There are various theories of ethnic conflict including Primordialist theory, instrumentalist theory, and Institutionalist theory. Each theory contains a new approach in understanding the ethnic tensions. Primordialist theory explains the role of emotions and conflict potential of the ethnicity. According to Donald Horowitz, ethnicity embodies an element of emotional intensity that can be aroused when the group’s interest is thought to be at stake. (Blagojevic, 2009) Primordialist claims that ethnic conflict arises because of the memories of past injustices and atrocities that create an environment that is difficult to avoid. (Ejaz & Rehman, 2022) The ethnic emotions are socially and politically constructed reality – that has been drawn from the past injustices and grievances of the ethnic group. This is evident in the case of Baloch ethnic conflict which has its root in the pre-partition history of Pakistan. According to Primordialist, an Ethnic identity is the direct cause of the ethnic conflict. It emphasizes on ethnocentrism, the in group and out group concepts. In his 1963 essay "The Integrative Revolution: Primordial Sentiments and Politics in the New States." Clifford Geertz emphasized the emotional and non-rational attachment people feel toward their ethnic group. However, this theory has some limitations. Confining ethnic conflict solely to Primordialist perspective leads to simplification of the complex problem. There is another theory of ethnic conflict: Institutionalist theory. According to this theory, Institutions play a significant role in explaining ethnic conflict by exacerbating or mitigating ethnic tensions. (Katherine, 2007). The nineteenth century tensions among three ethnic groups in Switzerland are now managed by current political system of (Consociational Democracy) by institutionalizing these groups and giving them equal power sharing. (Blagojevic, 2009) Institutions either manage or inflame the ethnic conflict. Poor institutional design like centralization deepens the ethnic conflict. Good institutional designs mitigate the ethnic conflict. These institutions include federal system as well as Consociational democracy. The federal structure of Pakistan faces various challenges especially that of provincial autonomy since its inception. This is also one of the major causes of the Baloch ethnic tension. The constructivist theory of ethnic conflict argues that ethnic identities are socially constructed—they are created, shaped, and reshaped over time through historical, political, social, and cultural processes. It explains that ethnic conflict is caused when constructed identities are politicized in a specific situation. Cases include competition over resources, fear, inequality and weak institutions. Ethnic conflict is context-dependent. It occurred where there are state-breakdown, economic crisis and exclusionary policies. Historical Perspective The Kalat state Controversy It is claimed that the foundation of Kalat state was established in the early 14th and 15th century. (Baloch, 1987). A confederation of 44 Baloch tribes dominated the territory from the twelfth century under Mir Jalal Khan, a tribal chief. In 1666, Mir Ahmed khan was elected as the khan of Kalat by the tribal assembly. The Khan of Kalat was established by Mir Ahmed Khan in 1666 and was limited to the region of Sarawan and Jhalwan in the central part of today’s Balochistan. (Brasher, 2022) In the 15th century, Mir Chakar of Rind tribe was the greatest Baloch in the Baloch history asserted and consolidated his position around the area of Kalat. In 1530, Mir Qambarani took over Kalat from Zanoon. His position was challenged by two rivals, Mir Chakar Rind and Mir Gohram Lashari. In the ensuring battle, Umer was assassinated and occupied Kalat. According to the Baloch Historians, Chakar founded the first independent Baloch kingdom. He ruled his kingdom from 1487 to 1511. From 1559 to 1595 and then from 1638 to 1708, Balochistan was ruled by the safavids. During this time period, it remained under the control of Mughal (1595-1638) and under the Pashtun Gilzais. (Zeb, 2021) In 1736, Nadir Shah invaded Balochistan. The army of khan, Mir Muhabat Khan was defeated twice and he surrendered and acknowledged the suzerainty of Nadir Shah. This lasted till 1747 when Nadir Shah died. After the death of nadir Shah, Mir Muhabat Khan refused to accept the paramountcy of Afghan ruler, Ahmed Shah Abdali and was replaced by Mir Naseer Khan, the Great (Baloch, 1987). During the early years of Nasir Khan's reign, Kalat was a tributary of the newly established state of Afghanistan, a salient historical fact which is cited by Afghan nationalists today as a justification for including Baluchistan in a "Greater Afghanistan." (Harrison, 1980) Naseer Khan (1749-1797) was the most powerful of all the khans of Kalat. He laid down the foundation of the military and civil institutions in Kalat. In 1740, Under Nasir Khan, Kalat was comprised of two areas. One belongs to Kalat and was ruled directly by Khan through his deputies. The second area was comprised of the Sarawan and Jhalawan. He accepted the suzerainty of Ahmed Shah Abdali. In 1758, a treaty was signed between the two. Under the new treaty, kalat would provide a military contingent to Afghanistan in the case of war. In return, Ahmed Shah Abdali agreed to not interfere in the internal affairs of the Kalat state. (Zeb, 2021) Nasir Khan died in 1795. Nasir Khan, the sixth Khan of Kalat organized major tribes (Marris, Bugtis and Mengals) through political and military system in eighteenth century. Some argue that he was the first one who claimed sovereignty over the territory on the basis of a common Baloch identity. He also used the word Balochistan in official terms with his neighbors. Nasir khan introduced a number of reforms. He provided an unwritten constitution and introduced a bureaucracy. He also incorporated Las Bela, Kharan, and Makran into the Kalat. Nasir Khan died in 1795. The death of Naseer Khan weakened the Khanate. But it remained independent until mid-nineteenth century. (Brasher, 2021) Naseer Khan introduced democratic government in kalat. The kalat state had its own national flag of red and green. Balochi was the national language of kalat and all the debates and conferences were held in Balochi. He was the first ruler who established foreign relation with neighboring countries. He exchanged ambassadors with Iran, Afghanistan, and Oman. (Baloch, 1987). During the reign of Nasir Khan, the borders of Balochistan stretched as far as Punjab including Dera Ghazi Khan in the East. In the north, it included the south-west limits of the Helmand River in Afghanistan. On the western front, it included Sistan, Kirman, and Bandar Abbas in Iran while in the south, it included land on the coast of the Arabian Sea stretching from Karachi to Bandar Abbas. (Siddiqi, 2012) Balochistan during the British Rule The British had no clear policy towards Balochistan. The lack of knowledge of the British about Baloch and Balochistan was the primary reason why the British authorities in India could not formulate a policy to deal with Kalat and Balochistan. The primary interest of the British in Balochistan was geostrategic; they paid little attention to the needs of the Baloch people. With British takeover, the subsequent Khan of Kalat became irrelevant as all powers resided with the Agent to the Governor General, and for all practical purposes, he was the ruler of the Kalat. The Baloch sardars also shifted their loyalty from the Khan of Kalat to the British. For administrative purposes, the British divided Balochistan Dera Ghazi Khan, which was a part of Balochistan and amalgamated into Punjab. (Siddiqi, 2012) They divided it into three parts; the British Balochistan consisted of the Pishin, Chaman, Shera Rud, DuKi and Sharing; the Khan of Kalat was comprised of the Lasbela, Kalat, Kharan and Makran; and the tribal areas consisted of Zhob, Kohlu, Mari, Bugti areas, Chaghai and Sanjrani territories. (Zeb, 2022) Three treaties were signed between the British and the Khan of Kalat that subordinated the Khan to the British. He remained only a figurehead of the Kalat. (Zeb, 2022) In 1841 a treaty was signed between the Khan of Kalat and the British. The ruler of Afghanistan, Sha Shuja was also signatory to the treaty. Under this treaty, the British government in India would station British troops in Kalat and control its foreign relations and a British residence would oversee the business of the Kalat. Another important point of the treaty was that Ameer Naseer Khan will accept the suzerainty of the king of England. (Baloch, 2023) In 1854, the British signed another treaty with the Khan of Kalat known as Mastung treaty. Under this treaty, the British recognized khan as an independent ruler and promised to pay 50,000 annually and provide military assistance in case of an invasion or attack on Kalat. The khan of Kalat pledged not to get into an alliance with any British rivalry. This treaty was later revised in 1876. According to the revised plan, the Khan of Kalat pledged to ensure the safety of and security of the British personnel and installations stationed in the area. The British agreed to pay 20,500 annually. (Zeb, 2022) After the British takeover, the status of the Khan of Kalat was reduced to a mere figurehead and the subsequent Khans gave lip service to the British. The Sandeman system also badly affected the state of Kalat. Sandeman was an assistant to the Governor General in Balochistan. He introduced and strengthened the Sardari system by giving powers to the sardars to settle the inter-tribal issues. Sandeman introduced also introduced the Jirga system in Balochistan. Under this system, the Sardar was the head of the Jirga. The sardars were given salaries and jagirs for their services. They were given judicial powers and were entitled to establish jails. All the Baloch national uprisings were crushed under the Jirga system (Baloch, 1987). Sandeman was of the view that to secure British interest in Balochistan, the British authorities should cultivate effective relations with the Baloch tribal sardars. His primary concern in his dealing with the Baloch sardars was to ensure the security of British imperial interest in Afghanistan and against the Tsarist Russia. The Sardari system enhanced the role and status of the sardars in the Baloch tribal system. Sandeman policy reduced the status of the Khan of Kalat to a mere ceremonial head that was administratively under the control of the British. (Zeb, 2022) Another significant impact of the Sandeman system was that it used the sardars as an effective tool against the political workers and political activists who were struggling against the British imperial power at that time. Sandeman also set up the levy system. He gave money to the chiefs to maintain certain number of people to crush the anti-British revolts. This changed the political system of Balochistan completely. In fact, he was all in all in Kalat state. Although the Kalat state was constitutionally independent, it was regarded as an Indian state (Baloch, 1987). British viewed Balochistan only through a strategic viewpoint and the reason they did not pay attention to the social, political, and economic development of the region. For example, in 1947, when the British left, Balochistan had no degree college and only six government high schools. The same colonial policies persist even today in Balochistan. The same is situation even today that can be evident from the fact that there is only a single public university in Balochistan. The Political Awakening in Balochistan during the British Era The Baloch national struggle in the twentieth century was led by both the middle class and the sardars (Siddiqi). The political awakening was started in Balochistan for the first time in 1920 when a movement, ‘Young Baloch’ grew, led by Mir Abdul Aziz Kurd in Balochistan. In 1929, Muhammad Ali Magsi, a prominent member of the movement wrote an article under the title the ‘Cry of Balochistan’. He criticized the policies of the government. Magsi was arrested and imprisoned for one year. After the arrest of the Magsi, in 1931, another group was formed named Anjum-e-Itehaad-e-Balochistan (Organization for the Unity of Balochistan) that to work untidily for the independence of Balochistan. They also demanded constitutional reforms for Balochistan. (Baloch, 1987). The Anjuman had the support of the last Khan of Kalat, Mir Ahmed Yar Khan. He was sympathetic to the Anjuman’s cause in his initial days. (Baloch, 1987) In 1937, the Anjuman announced the formation of the Kalat State National Party (KSNP) at Sibi. Mir Abdul Aziz Kurd was elected as its president, Mir Gul Naseer khan as the vice president. They were impressed by the movement for independence in India especially by the Indian National Congress. They wanted to organize themselves on traditional and linguistic lines, to keep their movement aloof from independence movement in India. Its policy was to establish a responsible government in the region, to reform the Jirga system, to struggle for the educational as well as economic right of the Baloch people and joining all the Baloch areas with Kalat. (Baloch, 2023) the Kalat State National Party (KSNP). In 1939, the party was declared illegal by the prime minster of Kalat due to pressure from the British as well as from sardars. The party was banned by khan of Kalat as he realized it as a threat to his legitimacy. All of its leaders like Abdul Rahim Khawaja Khel, Mir Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo, Mir Gul Naseer Khan, and others were exiled from Kalat. Mir Ahmed Yar Khan had a controversial personality. He wanted to consolidate his position but at the same time he was conciliatory to the British. With outbreak of the Second World War, the party was under grounded. He also played an effective role in giving the Kalat in the hands of the Imperialists by giving support to the British against his own people. The Annexation of the Kalat State After partition, the Khan of Kalat argued that Kalat sate was never a part of the British India and must maintain its independence status. The negotiation was held between the Khan of kalatm Mir Ahmed Yar Khan and the Governor General Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah on the basis of agreement on 4 August, 1947. The talks were not smooth and it resulted in Pakistan’s demand for annexation of the state. The Khan of Kalat was forced to sign the accession on April, 1. 1948 as the Pakistan army captures Kalat. The Khan’s younger brother, Abdul Karim refused to accept the forced annexation of the Khan of Kalat state and started a rebellion against Pakistan in 1948. In December 1947, Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo made a fiery speech and said: Pakistan officials say that Balochistan should join Pakistan as it would not be able to sustain itself economically. We have minerals, we have petroleum and ports. The question is where would Pakistan be without us? (Siddiqi, 2012) The last Khan of Kalat, Ahmed Yar Khan, held several meetings with the Quid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah. Mr. Jinnah appealed to Khan that he and the Baloch nation should help the Muslim League. The Ameer promoted Muslim league in his state. During the Cabinet Mission Plan, the Ameer demanded the full autonomy for the state of Kalat. The memorandum that forwarded this demand was prepared under the supervision of Quid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah. It was included in the memorandum that Kalat is an autonomous and independent state and with an end of the British government, all the lease areas would be reverted to the government of state of Balochistan (Baloch, 2023). On 30 June, 1947, Jinnah clarified Pakistan’s policy towards the autonomous states as one of non-interference in their internal affairs and declared their right to determine their own future. (Baloch, 1987) As a result of this policy, an agreement was reached on 4 August 1947 between the British Government, the government of Pakistan, and the Khan of Kalat. According to the Article I of the agreement, the government of Pakistan recognizes kalat’s status as independent and sovereign state and different from that of Indian states. (Baloch, 1987) Initially, Jinnah supported an independent Balochistan but later on he changed his policy. After independence, Jinnah pressurized Ahmed Yar khan to make his people vote in favor of Pakistan. In the 3rd June Plan, it was decided that a referendum would be held in Balochistan to assess the opinion of the people to join either state. The Shahi Jirga and the members of the Municipal Committee voted in favor of Pakistan in the referendum. Ahmed Yar Khan writes in his book that in the absence of my efforts, Balochistan would not have been with Pakistan today. (Baloch, 2023) And the Kalat state was annexed with Pakistan under duress when the army was sent to Kalat and it was annexed with Pakistan on 27 March, 1948. The forcible annexation of the Kalat state led to aggression and resentment among the Baloch people against Pakistani state. This also resulted in the first insurgency in Balochistan in 1948. When the British withdrew from Subcontinent in 1947, the Khan of Kalat refused to join Pakistan and demanded an independent status. Khan later demanded a confederal status granting control of foreign affairs, defense and currency to central government. But his demand was rejected and Pakistan took Kalat militarily in 1948 that led to the first insurgency in Balochistan. (Harrison, 1978) Ahmed yar khan in his autobiography wrote: The Khan-e-Baloch functioned merely as a figurehead with no power at all. He was, as it were, a mechanical contraption which could function as an instrument by putting his signature on the dotted line on orders issued by the political agent, who also functioned as a prime minster of Kalat. The Khan-e-Kalat was the head of state only on paper. (Zeb, 2022) Ahmed yar Khan, the last khan of Kalat had given space to the political movement of that time. He encouraged the Association for the Unity of Baloch people, a political party that was established by Mir Yousaf Ali Magsi and Abdul Aziz Kurd. Sensing military actions against the Khanate, the Khan aligned himself with Pakistan on 30 March 1948. This act of the Khan has been described as a great disservice to the Baloch people which has ‘no parallel in the three and a half thousand years of Baloch history’. The following are the major factors that contribute to the Baloch ethnic conflict: The Most Neglected Province Balochistan is one of the under-developed and neglected provinces of Pakistan. It is lagging behind in key human development indicators like education, health, and infrastructure. 48% of the people in Balochistan are living under poverty line. Five to six percent of the people of Balochistan are able to utilize gas facilities. (Mitru, Anwar & Gilani, 2021) The literacy rate in Balochistan is lowest as compared to other provinces. The latest figures indicate that it is about 42.01% making it the lowest in Pakistan (Economic Survey, 2024-2025). According to Balochistan Education Statistics, 2022-2023 report, more than one fifth of the schools remain non-functional due to serious infrastructure gap. Moreover, most of the people are deprived of the basic health facilities. The health system in Balochistan is beset with multifaceted issues like lack of proper infrastructure, shortage of medicines, insufficient funds, and high mortality rates. The Maternal Mortality Rate is approximately 298 deaths per 100,000 live births which is higher than the national average of 272. This is due to the unavailability of skilled birth attendant. Apart from this, there is lack of infrastructural facilities. The researcher estimates that more than 65 percent of the population in Balochistan inhabit temporary homes, 50 percent do not have toilets, and 40 percent must do without proper water facilities. (Kumar et al, 2022) Lack of Provincial Autonomy Balochistan was given provincial status in 1970. The 1973 constitution that was formulated in such a way as to give autonomy to the federating units. However, it was not implemented in true spirit and the central government failed to restore the confidence of the provinces especially that of Balochistan. Baloch leaders like Sardar Ataullah Mengal, Mir Ghous Bakhsh Bizenjo, and Khair Bakhsh Marri emerged as triumphant in the 1970 elections. For the first time in their history, the Baloch were represented by their elected leaders. It was the dismissal of this government by Prime Minister Zulifiqar Ali Bhutto that led to the 1973-77 insurgencies in Balochistan. Significantly, when they started their poorly prepared insurgency in 1973, the Pakistani Baloch were not fighting for independence but rather for regional autonomy within a radically restructured, confederal Pakistani constitutional framework. (Harrison, 1980) The various constitutional arrangements that have been made to address the issue of provincial autonomy have not brought meaningful results. The devolution plan of (2002) that was introduced by General Pervez Musharraf was aimed to devolve powers from the federal and provincial governments to the district and tehsil level. This plan bypassed the provincial assemblies to create local government was entirely dependent on the central government for their survival. The scheme was perceived by the all provinces except Punjab to be an imposition of a centralized form of government and a negation of provincial autonomy (Zeb, 2022). In the 2002 elections, Musharraf revised the eligibility criteria to contest elections. As per the new criteria, graduation was made compulsory for the candidates. This was serious drawback for the experienced politicians including Akbar Bugti to contest election. Another important step to address the issue of provincial autonomy was the 18th amendment that was passed in 2010. The 18th amendment is a landmark in the constitutional history of Pakistan that was aimed to give more autonomy to the provinces. It abolished the concurrent list and as a result, all 47 subjects were transferred to the provinces that previously came under the jurisdiction of both federal as well provincial governments to make laws. Due to lack of proper implementation of the 18th amendment, the Baloch ethnic conflict remained unresolved. One of the key features of the 18th amendment was 50 % share of gas and oil ownership was given to the provinces through article 172-3 of the constitution but it has not been implemented (Kakar, 2024). But despite the 18th amendment, the share of Balochistan in the natural resources is meager which cannot meet the needs of the people of the province. Furthermore, the Mines and Minerals Act 2025, passed by the Balochistan assembly on 12th March 2025, is another encroachment on the powers of province. According to the bill, the federal government has authority in matters related to the minerals of Balochistan. The bill was passed in haste and without any proper debate in the assembly. The bill was criticized by the political parties like the Baloch National Party (BNP) and Jamiat-ulema-I-Islam (JUI-F). During a press conference, the BNP chief Sardar Akhtar Mengal opposed the bill and claimed that current developments in Balochistan were aimed at “plundering” its resources and “seizing” control of its coastline. (Dawn. 2025) Economic Grievances of the Baloch Balochistan is rich in natural resources including natural gas, coal, copper, and gold. Natural gas was discovered in Sui in Dera Bugti in 1952 but it took two decades to reach Balochistan. Quetta, which is the capital of the province, received gas in 1986. One of the key features of the 18th amendment was the 50 % share of gas and oil ownership to the provinces through article 172-3 of the constitution. Unfortunately, after seven decades, Balochistan’s share in the national gas remained mere 4 % (Indiablooms, 2022) which does not meet the demands of the people and most of the districts in Balochistan do not have access to gas facility. The National Finance Commission (NFC) is responsible for the distribution of resources between the federal and provincial government remained non-functional. According to Article 160 of the 1973 constitution, the commission should be constituted by the president not exceeding five years. Before the introduction of the 7th NFC award (2009), between 1970 and 2000, only three awards (1974, 1991 and 1997) were made on the basis of population while ignoring other key aspects like poverty and underdeveloped areas including Balochistan. Balochistan was the primary victim of this inequitable formula, as its small five per cent share of the population, coupled with a large territory and accumulated developmental deficits, disadvantaged the province significantly (Kakar, 2024). Data published by the Ministry of Finance (National Finance Commission Secretariat, 2010-2020) indicates that Balochistan received a total of PkR 1.85 trillion from the divisible pool between 2010 and 2020, accounting for 10.2 per cent of the total amount transferred to provinces. The 7th NFC Award introduced the multi-factor formula. According to this formula, resources would be distributed among the provinces not only on the basis of population but also taking into account factors like poverty and underdevelopment of the province concerned. This formula has had great importance for Balochistan as it is the least populated region with multiple issues of underdevelopment and poverty. But even after the 7th NFC Award (2009), maximum weight of 82% is still given to population, which disproportionately benefits Punjab. Development projects such as the Saindak Copper-Gold Project, the Reko Diq project, and the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) have no beneficial role in the development and prosperity of Balochistan. Rather, they are detrimental to the local people. However, these resources are not utilized properly for the developed and sustainable future. The Saindak Copper-Gold Project was set up by Saindak Metals Ltd, a company owned by Pakistan in 1995. China and Pakistan singed a contact worth of $350 million for mine China and Pakistan singed a contact worth of $350 million for mine. The Saindak Copper Project was leased to Metallurgic Corporation of China (MCC) in 2002 for ten years. As per the agreement, 50% of the revenue went to China, 48% to Pakistan and only 2% to Balochistan. According to local people, this project has no benefits for the local area. According to a political activist in Chaghai, Kazim Baloch, the area has still the features of the medieval era, with mud houses, a lack of potable water, poverty, deprivation, underdevelopment and backwardness still rule,” In 2017, the federal government leased the mine to the China which created resentment among in Balochistan. According to the 18th amendment, the Saindak project falls under the jurisdiction of Balochistan government. Regardless of the consent of the people of the province, In 2017, the federal government leased the mine to the China which is the violation of the constitutional right of the people of Balochistan. (Shafiq, 2023) The revised terms showed that the profit share of the SML has been increased from 50% to 53%. Similarly, the royalty to the Balochistan government has been increased from 5% to 6.5% of the sales revenues (Rana, 2022). Reko Diq is a small town in Chaghai district of Balochistan. China and Pakistan singed a contact worth of $350 million for mine. It is renowned as the “Museum of Minerals.” Near the town is a vast copper and gold mine estimated to hold 5.9 billion tons of copper (with a grade of 0.41%) and 41.5 million ounces of gold reserves. This makes Reko Diq one of the largest copper mines in Pakistan and among the largest in the world (Ishfaq, 2023). According to a study, this project is worth of more than $60 billion worth of copper and gold reserves. (Kiani,2025) Chaghai faces numerous developmental challenges, including inadequate infrastructure, limited access to education, healthcare. Economist Qaiser Bengali expressed concerns over the lack of transparency, stating, “I can only hope this project does not suffer the same fate as Saindak, which has not contributed a single rupee to Balochistan to date.” The China Pakistan Economic Project (CPEC) has serious implication for the people of Balochistan. It has triggered dissatisfaction and unrest among the Baloch. They do not see it as a path towards prosperity of the region but as a mechanism for exploiting the resources of the province. The Baloch people see this project as an exploitation of the resources of the region not for the people themselves. Dr. Naseem Baloch, Chairman of the Baloch National Movement, is one of the most vocal critics. At a recent side event at the 57th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council, he described CPEC as a "path to exploitation." He argued that instead of uplifting the region, the project was worsening inequalities and dispossessing the Baloch people of their land and resources (Gyalpo, 2024). The Human Rights violation in Balochistan Heavy-handed tactics of security institutions, including enforced disappearances, extra-judicial killing, and the illegal detention of the Baloch rights activists have also contributed to fueling the Baloch ethnic tensions. Baloch sources claim up to 7,000 cases of enforced disappearances, while the Government of Pakistan’s Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearances (COIED) has given 2,752 cases of enforced disappearances. (Ali, 2025) In 2021, Pakistan's parliament - the National Assembly – passed the bill to criminalize the enforced disappearances but it never passed by the senate. Later, the human rights minister, Shireen Mazari said that the missing persons bill had itself gone missing. (Hafeez, 2022) Baloch human rights activists have also been the target of violence and oppression by state institutions. Many Baloch activists have been detained without due legal procedure. Dr. Mahrang Baloch, a human rights activist in Balochistan with other members of the Baloch Yekjethi Committee (BYC) has been illegally detained by the government in Quetta. (Amnesty International Report, 2025) Apart from this, Balochistan has been facing violations of fundamental rights of its individuals. Even a peaceful protest by the Baloch people can face a violent crackdown and mass arrests. In 2024 the Baloch Yekjethi Committee (BYC) organized a Baloch Raaji Muchii (Baloch National Gathering) led by Dr. Mahrang Baloch. The gathering protested against the ongoing human rights violation and oppressive policies of the state against the Baloch people. Dozens of people were arrested and many were harassed and detained. Baloch Loss of Confidence in the parliamentary system of Pakistan The Baloch loss of confidence in parliamentary system of Pakistan is deeply rooted in political exclusion, economic inequality, and unaddressed grievances. The Baloch have lost their confidence in the parliamentary system of Pakistan. This is evident from the general elections of 2024, which was boycotted in most of the districts of Balochistan especially that of Baloch. A woman named Bibi Zartoon said she had never cast a vote in her life. According to her, if we vote or not, either way we are going to suffer. According to a journalist, Kiyya Baloch, those boycotting vote have legitimate concerns. (Ali, 2024) Their primary concern is that the legislators from Balochistan do not have the authority to take independent political, economic and security-related decisions for the province. Islamabad has always made important decision making for the province. He added that the electable from Balochistan have failed to address one of the important issues of missing persons. (Hafeez, 2024) The youth in Balochistan do not have trust in the system. Throughout history, elections in Balochistan have never been free and fair. Due to the political interference and elections engineering, people in Balochistan take little interest in the election. In 2024 elections, only about 41 % of the people in Balochistan participated in the elections. Balochistan is home to about 15 million of Pakistan’s estimated 240 million people, as per the 2023 census. Despite having the least population, rich in natural resources but still face issues like lack of proper educational opportunities for the youth, unemployment, poverty bereft of health facilities and security issues. All these issues have contributed to the Baloch’s loss of confidence in the system. The resignation of the prominent political leader of Baloch, Sardar Akhtar Mengal from the parliament is the stark example of the Baloch loss of confidence in the parliamentary system of the state. The resignation of the Akhtar Mengal came amid the security situation in Balochistan and the ongoing protests of the Baloch against the enforced disappearances in the province. According to him, “I do not see any point to remain in the assembly where we cannot speak against the system that is breeding terrorism in Balochistan.” In a resignation letter to the speaker of National Assembly Akhtar Mengal said that the “prevailing situation in Balochistan has compelled me to take this step” (Dawn, 2024). Policy Recommendations The following are the recommendations to address the Baloch ethnic conflict:
Conclusion Ethnic conflict is a serious issue in Pakistan. Pakistan has experienced various ethnic issues since its independence. The Bengalis ethnic conflict led to the disintegration of the country in 1971. The Baloch ethnic conflict poses another challenge to the state of Pakistan. The Baloch ethnic conflict is a longstanding issue and it has been influenced fueled by different factors like the Kalat state controversy, the colonial policies, the annexation of the kalat state by the state of Pakistan against the wishes of the Baloch people, the economic exploitation of Balochistan, the issue of provincial autonomy, the human rights violation, and the Baloch loss of confidence in the parliamentary system of Pakistan. The findings of the study indicate that all these factors have contributed to the Baloch ethnic tension. However, the Baloch ethnic conflict can be resolved through providing equitable share in the economic resources, addressing the issue of underdevelopment of Balochistan, taking into confidence the political leaders of the Baloch, providing autonomy to the province in its economic resources and key political decision making as per the 18th amendment and addressing the issue of human rights violation in Balochistan especially that of enforced disappearances of Baloch. Pashtana Murad is a student of MPhil Political Science at the University of Punjab Lahore Bibliography Momand, A. (2024, September 3). Akhtar Mengal resigns from National Assembly citing ‘prevailing situation in Balochistan’. Dawn. https://www.dawn.com/news/1856648 Ali, K. (2024, September 4). Akhtar Mengal ‘quits’ NA over apathy towards Balochistan. Dawn. https://www.dawn.com/news/1856814 BBC News. (2023, October 18). Gunmen kill at least 11 in two attacks in Pakistan’s Balochistan. 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